Excellencies, distinguished colleagues, dear friends,
It is an honour to join you at the Belgrade Security Conference. Each year, this forum helps us take a step back from the noise of daily politics and reflect on the long-term choices shaping Europe’s future. And today, that future is being shaped at a remarkable speed.
Before I continue, let me briefly guide you through my remarks today.
I will reflect upon five key messages, which will frame my intervention:
- First, I will begin by looking at why enlargement sits at the very centre of Europe’s strategic thinking.
- Second; I will turn to the reforms that underpin credibility — both for candidate countries and for the European Union itself.
- Third, I will address foreign and security policy as a test of strategic orientation, and I will speak more directly about the moment Serbia finds itself in.
- Fourth, I will also reflect on the security dimension of enlargement and on the EU’s own readiness for a larger Union.
- And finally, I will speak about what enlargement means for European and regional security — and for the EU’s own readiness
Security, competitiveness, and sustainability are the overarching objectives of the second European Commission of President von der Leyen. The emergence of security stems from Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, an existential threat that has transformed Europe’s geopolitical landscape in ways none of us could have imagined just a few years ago. It has in many ways blurred the borders between economic resilience, foreign policy and security.
In this environment, EU enlargement has re-emerged not as a “nice to have”, but as a geopolitical necessity. And more than necessity — a strategic investment in a strong, stable, secure, and united Europe.
Yet, as this conference’s panel description rightly notes, enlargement is at a turning point – sitting between geopolitical urgency and domestic hesitations. And this gap between what is necessary and what is comfortable will define Europe’s credibility for years to come.
Let me touch on my key messages:
Firstly, enlargement is firmly where it belongs: at the centre of Europe’s strategic thinking
The Western Balkans, Ukraine, and Moldova are not the periphery; they are the frontline of Europe’s strategic stability. The EU has made this clear: you are part of the European family. And the door is wide open.
We believe the question now is not whether enlargement will happen. The question is how fast we — all of us — will deliver on it:
- Candidate countries by implementing reforms;
- And the EU by preparing itself institutionally, politically, and financially for new members.
Geopolitics does not wait — and neither can enlargement. This is why, from energy to cyber security, from SEPA to roaming, from defence cooperation to single-market integration, the EU has already begun treating candidate countries not as distant partners, but as future members.
We have phased Single market integration, Growth Plans and security commitments, preparing for a bigger Union.
But enlargement remains merit and evidence-based. There are no shortcuts, and no corners can be cut.
Reforms, and not least implementing these reforms are not part of a bureaucratic checklists; they are the foundation of how our democratic systems function and how our common security will be strengthened.
My second point is that reforms are the price of credibility — for candidates and for the EU.
Let me say this very clearly:
Credibility is the currency of enlargement — and reforms are its investment. There can be no enlargement without reforms.
Not in Brussels. Not in Belgrade. Not anywhere.
The Rule of law, judicial independence, freedom of expression, media integrity, and the fight against corruption are not abstract European obsessions. They define predictability for investors, trust for citizens, and resilience against destabilisation.
When a country strengthens its judiciary, it is also strengthening its economy. When it protects free media, it is also protecting national security. When it curbs corruption, it is also enhancing sovereignty.
Interests and values are not opposites.
This is a false dichotomy.
A democratic Serbia anchored in the rule of law is not simply in line with European values — it is fundamentally in Serbia’s own interest as well as in the direct interest of the European Union.
And this message applies to every candidate country:
A credible accession process demands credible reforms.
And credible reforms demand political courage.
Let me now move to my third point: which is why Foreign and security policy are also a test of strategic orientation.
Enlargement is also about making a strategic choice.
Not abstract choice, but concrete alignment — in foreign policy, in security, and in the way we see the world.
Because joining the EU does not simply mean joining a Single market.
It means joining a community that defends its continent, supports its neighbours, and protects its democracies when under pressure.
Strategic ambiguity is not a strategy — alignment is. This is why alignment with the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy is an important part of accession — not a symbolic one. It is a signal of strategic orientation and a demonstration that, when it matters, “we have each other’s back.”
For Serbia, this message resonates. The current rate of alignment — above 65% — shows progress.
It is important to emphasise that the percentage of alignment to EU Statements and Declarations does not reflect exhaustively Serbia’s alignment in the field of foreign policy and security. As you know, Serbia is the country that has provided the most substantial assistance to Ukraine from the Western Balkans region, through humanitarian assistance and also crucial energy equipment. Serbia also joined us on many occasions in international fora in support of Ukraine’s territorial integrity.
These are important contributions.
But we need a clearer and more consistent strategic signal. A future Member State must be a country on which the EU can rely fully. Especially when times are tough. In light of Russia’s full scale invasion of Ukraine, this has become all the more important for the EU.
And this message is not unique to Serbia.
It applies equally to all candidates — from North Macedonia to Ukraine, from Montenegro to Moldova.
Because enlargement is ultimately a choice.
A choice of values.
A choice of direction.
A choice of who we trust — and who can trust us in return.
In my fourth point, allow me now to speak more directly about Serbia – because Serbia matters greatly in this process, and because the choices made here resonates across the whole region.
Serbia has declared EU membership to be its strategic priority. And we take this commitment very seriously. The EU has invested billions in areas such as infrastructure, energy security, rule of law reforms and social development.
But today, Serbia faces a crucial moment.
As noted in the recently published Annual Report, reform momentum has slowed down significantly. While the Report acknowledges some positive developments, credible reforms need to be delivered across the board. Serbia needs to overcome the standstill in the area of judiciary and fundamental rights, urgently reverse the backsliding on freedom of expression and address the erosion of academic freedom. These concerns come not only from Brussels, but from Serbian citizens who are demanding transparency, fairness, and accountability. And most importantly, the country must overcome its divisions, rebuild trust among political and civic actors, and create space for inclusive dialogue.
The message is clear cut:
Deeds must match declarations.
Serbia has significant growth potential.
It has the administrative capacity.
It is deeply intertwined with the EU — nearly 60% of all Serbian trade is with the European Union.
It has a young and dynamic population.
And it has so much to gain from a stable, democratic, predictable European future.
What is needed now is political leadership that:
- restores reform momentum, not least regarding rule of law,
- protects democratic space,
- strengthens media freedom, and
- demonstrates a clear geopolitical orientation.
This is not a message only for Serbia.
This is the same message we convey in Sarajevo, Skopje, Chisinau, Kyiv — and in every other country which is looking to join the European Union!
Because credibility in the accession process must be equal for all.
In my last point, let me tackle the question of what enlargement means for European and regional security — and for the EU’s own readiness.
Security has become the defining word of our era.
That is why the EU has stepped up cooperation with all candidate countries:
- by signing joint security commitments with Ukraine,
- by establishing Defence Partnerships with Moldova, North Macedonia, and Albania,
- by preparing a Security and Defence Dialogue with Montenegro,
- and by deepening energy and cyber resilience across the region.
The message is simple:
We cannot build a secure Europe without the Western Balkans.
And the Western Balkans cannot build lasting stability without the European Union.
This requires more than projects and funding.
It requires trust.
It requires mutual responsibility.
It requires mutual support in moments of crisis.
Because foreign policy alignment is not only about sanctions or statements.
It is about shaping a shared future in a world where hybrid threats, disinformation, and external interference are part of the daily reality.
For enlargement to succeed, candidate countries must reform — and the EU must prepare.
This is why the European Commission is working intensively on:
- pre-enlargement policy reviews; which will also point to reforms needed in budgetary and decision-making processes;
- strengthening mechanisms to safeguard rule of law;
- and improving communication to counter disinformation.
We know that public trust across Europe must be earned and maintained.
And we know that the support of EU citizens will depend not only on reforms in Belgrade or Skopje, but also on reforms in Brussels.
Allow me to close with a call for a courage.:
The enlargement process is moving faster today than in the last 15 years. But we cannot afford to lose momentum.
To seize this moment, we all need courage:
- Courage in Brussels to reform our Union.
- Courage in candidate countries to deliver deep and lasting reforms.
- Courage to fight against disinformation and external interference.
- Courage to align strategically, not only rhetorically.
- And above all, courage to defend our shared values — not because Brussels asks for them, but because they are the foundations of a secure and prosperous society.
If we find this courage — together — then enlargement will not only succeed.
It will reshape Europe for the better.
And we will be able to say, years from now, that when history knocked, we answered.
Thank you.
